Document(s) 5 de 11

Results of a National Dialogue with Young People in Metropolitan Regions

The study Brazilian Youth and Democracy: Participation, Spheres and Public Policies asked young people aged 15 to 24 from seven metropolitan regions¹ and the Federal District about their willingness to ‘participate’. It also examined the dynamics set up by these young people when they take on an active role in pursuing certain ‘paths to participation’. This includes paths directed to broadening their right to live their youth more fully and to improving conditions of life in Brazil. These two intentions framed the opinion polls and Dialogue Groups carried out in the course of 2005.

The main motivation behind the study was to build a body of evidence that could animate youth advocacy groups and contribute to the development of youth policies in Brazil.

^* Paulo Cesar Carrano Ph.D. was on the technical team of the study Juventude Brasileira e Democracia: participação, esferas públicas e políticas. Professor at Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), he also coordinates the youth observatory Observatório Jovem do Rio de Janeiro/UFF and is a CNPq researcher.

Accordingly, the key avenues of research consisted of asking young people about their main public demands in the areas of education, work and culture, and questioning them about their predisposition towards involvement in participatory social processes oriented towards securing rights.

The study produced significant data and stimulated debate on the challenge of participating to build democracy in Brazil. By revisiting data from the survey, which polled 8,000 young people, this chapter discusses of the importance of youth participation.

When talking about youth participation, it is important to bear in mind the multiple factors that stand as objective and subjective barriers to entry by young people. These barriers are related to youth being situated in the unstable sociological field that precedes their finding placement in social and productive structures. Youth can no longer be considered tutored children nor are they socially and economically emancipated adults; they are individuals being educated under special conditions. The period of youth can be considered decisive in constructing values and constituting adult subjectivities oriented to a greater or lesser extent towards civic participation.

Although one should not think deterministically, social and political participation is intimately related to life situation. The social and economic difficulties facing most of Brazil’s youth act directly to heighten their sensation of insecurity about the present and the future. The situation of increasing instability and despair at the incapacity of the State to promote rights, social well-being and security is a major hindrance to developing citizenship and youth participation. Additionally, the historical, systemic inequality of Brazilian society undermines the family’s ability to assure young people the objective conditions necessary to lend quality to their youth experience. This is a phenomenon that is extremely damaging to the transition to adult life.

This context of inequality and diversity is nonetheless traversed by threads which are common to this generation and which give a certain unity to being young at this point in history. In addition to sharing cultural identities and aesthetic expressions, there are other things in common: the experience of the same (accelerated) techno-scientific-informational pace of life (Santos 1994); increasing possibilities for choosing paths in the interplay of constructing one’s own self (Melucci 2004), rather than just following the path laid out by the family; greater sexual freedom; having to cope with the distress – in some cases, real anguish – of being unable to think about or predict a future of work and happiness realistically and with any degree of precision; and living on a day-to-day basis in fear of violence that is no longer something distant affecting ‘others’, but the ever-present possibility of death, pain, humiliation or material loss. There is, nonetheless, something that this generation has in common and must be recognized which is the unequal distribution of liberties, needs and violence in a society divided into social classes, as well as other inequalities relating to gender condition and skin colour.

We believe that public policies directed at Brazilian youth must be developed based on a realistic perception of this societal situation.

Government action

Youth policies in Brazil focus prominently on two types of intervention, which vary according to how youth is conceived. One sees youth as a social threat, while the other recognises young people as the subjects of rights.

The former concept results in coercive policies to control the threat and ‘protect’ society from youth. The latter, which is more unusual, reflects the perception of young people as socially active subjects who face social problems that bring instability to this phase of life (Carrano & Sposito 2003). Another approach is to be found between these two extremes. It is directed to young people in situations of risk or social vulnerability, and represents a whole generation of public measures strongly connected with the sphere of social assistance.

Krauskopf (2005) argues that youth policy orientations in Latin America run from the traditional and reductionist through to a new generation of ‘advanced’ policies. The latter consider youth to be a strategic development stakeholder and no longer a ‘problem phase’ or ‘subjects in preparation’ as in the former two approaches. A new rhetoric – adopted by international development agencies, governments and social organizations – calls for the adoption of a generational approach with new collaborating relationships between young people and adults. This approach considers young people to be the active subjects of policies and strategic stakeholders in development.

A significant field of research can be set up around understanding the forms and content which organize young subjects’ personal and collective practices in constituting their public space. It is in this context that research into the opportunities for young people and the scope for them to influence and legitimize public decisions that affect them gains importance academically and for democracy.

The creation of agencies to foster youth policies is a relatively recent phenomenon in Brazil – and, generally speaking, has not amounted to government policy. Rather, public policies and agencies directed to Brazil’s youth population have constituted a fragile institutional fabric with little political prestige within the machinery of government at all levels of the Federation (municipal, state and federal).

Youth policies in Brazil have shown signs of a shift away from the ‘problem approach’ of combating violence and controlling young people’s free time, to assuring their rights. Brazil also seems to be witnessing what León (2003) called the ‘aggregate programme concept’ when analyzing policies in Chile during the 1990s, which refers to the sum total of programmes and projects without any mediation by effective, integrated public policies. In this context, actions directed to youth oscillate between ‘educational modernization’, ‘social control’, ‘problem youth’, ‘human capital’ or even the new, ‘advanced’ paradigms – that have yet to be applied in practice – which consider young people to be ‘subjects of rights’ or ‘strategic development stakeholders’.

Over the past decade initiatives have been taken in Brazil to bring public policy makers closer to urban youth in an endeavour to incorporate the latter’s demands for rights. These measures have set up municipal youth forums, participatory youth budgets, opinion polls, inventories or ‘mappings’ of culture groups, informal meetings between policy makers and organized groups and, more recently, have given rise to youth councils at the municipal, state and national levels.

During the first Lula administration (2002-06), bodies such as the National Youth Secretariat and the National Youth Council were set up at the federal level. The Legislative power has also brought in parliamentary commissions devoted to organizing specific plans and laws directed to youth. However, to discuss the foolishness of most of these measures is beyond the scope of this chapter.

To paraphrase Oscar León (op. cit.) when he speaks of youth policies in Chile, we may not yet have a ‘lost decade’ in Brazilian youth policies, but the last five years have certainly been a painful trial-and-error learning process. The reiterated public discourse that asserts the need for young people to be active, participating subjects in the policies directed at them makes it worth mentioning.

The visibility of cultural youth groups has led youth policy makers to seek dialogue with these actors, who are bringing a new meaning and practice of collective action into the public administration. By and large, however, the initiatives that seek to expand youth participation in government actions and policies for young people must face a lack of social and political participation by most young Brazilians. Therefore, surveys of youth participation, and its restrictions and potentials, can broaden our understanding of the social processes that truly form part of young people’s lives.

Between work and education

The study, which was directed mainly at young Brazilians’ potential for participation and the forms and content of their participation, showed that the greater the degree of schooling and family income, the greater the likelihood of involvement in associative practices. The opinion poll revealed that youth with the most schooling participates most in groups. However, it also demonstrated that advancing age coincides with a decline in stimuli and conditions conducive to group activities.

For most young people, low income levels and consumption capacity require that they look for work as a condition for subsisting and meeting material and symbolic needs. This distinguishes a particular manner of experiencing one’s youth. It cannot be identified with what is usually taken for granted as the right to live the ‘social moratorium’ (Margulis & Urresti 1996), which entitles youth the freedom from the need to work, in order to devote themselves to training, study, and group and leisure activities.

The process of seeking and finding employment is an uncertain one, especially for young people from poorer families. This portion of youth finds itself occupying whatever jobs are offered, which are mostly precarious and unprotected and afford little or no opportunity to embark or advance on a professional career. Informality grows as one descends the strata of income and consumption. Academic achievement generally coincides with greater likelihood of finding formal employment, which is decisive for young people, given that unemployment among youth in Brazil is three times higher than among the overall population.

Youth participation and schooling

In Brazil, quality indicators in fundamental² and middle schools are increasingly tending downward, most intensely in the public education system. Regional and interregional inequalities in basic material needs are mirrored in differential access to, and length of, schooling, as well as in access to culture and leisure facilities and the information media, especially computers and the Internet. This constitutes the contemporary expression of the historical exclusion of the poor – particularly those on the periphery of the system – from the benefits of science and technology in societies based on the capitalist mode of production.

Better access conditions to information and cultural goods, along with better schooling, place upper-class youth in a better position to participate socially, culturally and politically. The study indicates that participation in student activities, for example, is quantitatively greater among strata representing wealthier and better-schooled youth. With respect to poor youth’s relationship with school, one can see a marked disconnect between age and grade. This demonstrates the intermittent attendance of those who manage to reach middle school, as they are failed, leave and return to school. We must remember that access to the highest levels of education is a key to broader social participation opportunities and also to engagement and learning connected with the institutions of learning themselves.

In addition to the difficulties in accessing and staying in school, young people also face a situation in which public institutions predominantly offer what is considered uninteresting curricular content. Schools figure as institutions that are not very open to creating spaces and situations that favour social, solidarity, public debate and cultural experience or formative curricular or extra-curricular activities. The study revealed a perception that schools do not make room for, nor do they stimulate, the formation of basic habits and values that encourage youth participation. That fact is more problematic for poor youth for whom school is practically the only institution through which they gain access to these symbolic goods.

With respect to information technology, foreign languages, sports, arts and preparatory courses for university entrance, there is a new, refined educational inequality in place among young people according to their class background. In this case, once again, wealthier youth and students at private schools are favoured. Schooling is decisive in developing the habit of reading, with the data showing that young people with more schooling read more, and that public school students read less than those at private schools.

Group participation

According to the opinion poll, 28.1 per cent of young people stated that they participate in some type of group. Increasing age coincides with the decreasing likelihood of young people joining a group. The ‘joining rate’ is more variable, however, when young people’s membership in groups is compared by social class and by years of schooling. The wealthier (classes A/B) tend to participate more (33.5 per cent); followed by class C (28.2 per cent) and then the poorer (classes D/E), with 24.0 per cent. Therefore there is a direct correlation between social class, years of schooling and group participation rates. There are no significant differences in participation by the interviewees’ sex.

Table 1 – Participation in groups by sex, age group and class (percentage)

Source: Ibase/Pólis, Pesquisa de Opinião Juventude Brasileira e Democracia: participação, esferas e políticas públicas, 2005.

Level of schooling is a significant variable. Young people with more schooling participate more in groups: 30.5 per cent are in middle or higher education, 28.3 per cent have completed fundamental schooling, but not middle school, and 24.4 per cent have not finished fundamental schooling. The data demonstrate the significant influence of schooling on group-based youth activities.

Also, in addition to having their right to school denied, young people who are out of school miss important opportunities for civil training and for meeting other youth in shared public activities. The 28.1 per cent of the young people who reported participating in groups were asked what activity type was closest to their groups’ aims. The activity types the groups relate to most significantly are religious (42.5 per cent), sports (32.5 per cent) and artistic – music, dance and theatre (26.9 per cent).

The activity types least mentioned were: student (11.7 per cent), communication (6.3 per cent), neighbourhood improvement (5.8 per cent), environment (4.5 per cent), political party (4.3 per cent), volunteer work (1.3 per cent) and other activities (0.8 per cent). There is a clear predominance of religious activities in collective participation experiences. Studies of youth religiosity have pointed to the influence of friendship groups in their religious option. This important factor is configuring new situations of religious pluralism within families, characterized by the declining rates at which parents transfer their religion to their children (Novaes 2005).

Sports emerged as the second most significant group of activities, followed by those connected with artistic expression, confirming play and expression as prominent dimensions to any understanding of the interests that motivate young people in building their collective identities. Sports groups, in turn, are predominantly male – 46.2 per cent of men compared to 17.2 per cent of women. They reflect the socio-spatial division that is traditional in Brazil, where men have more mobility in society and the community. This is not just for practising sports, and applies to other times and places in the public sphere (Brenner, Carrano & Dayrell 2004).

Even though groups connected with artistic and cultural activities are not predominant, it is important to note that the most telling representations of contemporary youth are shaped around their individual and collective manifestations. Young people involved in these activities gain the most exposure in the public sphere, and they are the ones who search for or produce symbolic meanings, styles, collective identities and shared social attitudes. They adopt characteristic styles that mark their bodies and how they dress, consume and communicate, attracting the attention of the culture industries, which seek inspiration for producing ‘young’ goods that influence not only the younger generations, but all of consumer society. It is also youth culture groups, particularly music groups formed by young blacks, which have given visibility to the serious social problems experienced by residents in the peripheries of Brazil’s major cities.

Gender does not affect the participation rates in artistic and cultural activities groups however, they are the most frequent option for participation by the young people with greatest purchasing power. Participation in this case is more frequent among the younger groups (32.3 per cent in the 15 to 17 year age group) than among the older groups (21.5 per cent in the 21 to 24 group). It is also more pronounced among those who did not complete fundamental schooling (34.0 per cent) than among those who completed middle school or more (22.1 per cent), confirming the constraints that come with advancing years.

Participation in social movements

‘Have you ever participated in any movement or meeting to improve life in your neighbourhood or city?’. With that question we sought to learn about young people’s involvement in collective action directed to improving conditions of life in their country.

Table 2 – Participation in movements to improve neighbourhood / city conditions (percentage)

Source: Ibase/Polis, Pesquisa de Opinião Juventude Brasileira e Democracia: participação, esferas e políticas públicas, 2004.

Of the respondents, 18.5 per cent reported having taken part, while 80.6 per cent said they have never been involved in any type of social movement or collective action in their neighbour-hood or city. Unlike what happens with the groups where participants are mostly younger, community participation predominantly involves the older youth (21.3 per cent between 21 and 24 years old) rather than the younger respondents (14.8 per cent between 15 and 17 years old). It is also the poorer youth (classes D/E) who participate more (22.0 per cent) in movements for community improvements in comparison with 16.9 per cent of the wealthier youth (classes A/B).

The study asked the young people who did participate about the nature of their neighbourhood or city activities. The main goals were to gain or improve: leisure areas or sports facilities (37.8 per cent), education/school (36.5 per cent), safety (34.1 per cent), sanitation/environment (29.2 per cent) and clinics (27.2 per cent). When disaggregated, the data reveal significant differentiation by gender, age and social class.

Males, particularly between 15 and 17 years old and from classes A/B, mobilize primarily around goals connected with leisure and sports facilities (43.7 per cent men and 31.7 per cent women). The main reason for community mobilization by women, however, was safety, a concern for 36.8 per cent of the young women and 31.6 per cent of the young men who had engaged in this type of activity. Organization around safety is greater among the wealthier sector of youth (38.3 per cent) than among the poorer (31.8 per cent), with the latter being more motivated by issues connected with education/school (38.7 per cent). Those with most schooling were more involved on the issue of safety, even though the issues of leisure and sports facilities prompted significant involvement.

The study also asked about social and political engagement. It asked young people whether or not they participated in more institutionalized groups, organizations or movements at the time of the survey, and whether they had participated previously, but no longer did so. Current participation in religious institutions was again the highest reported by those interviewed (15.3 per cent). The next most common was involvement in sports/leisure clubs or associations (8.3 per cent) and artistic groups (5.5 per cent). Interestingly, in all areas of participation, those who had participated in the past were more numerous that those who are participating at present.

A loss of interest and trust in groups and organizations might explain why more young people participated in groups and organizations in the past than were participating at the time of the survey. However, the decline in involvement with institutions should not in itself be taken to indicate apathy towards social participation. Involvement in non-institutionalized causes, or in issues with more visible outcomes in the short term, or in more autonomously perceived actions compared with the classic spheres of political participation may be compensating for low levels of institutional social capital (Putnam 2002).

The datum that shows that more than 70 per cent of young people do not take part in any group or voluntary association should not lead us to qualify Brazilian youth as resistant to association-building. The significant number of young participants in religious, sports and cultural organizations and those who have become involved in movements to improve conditions in their neighbourhood or city must be considered. The lack of studies comparing participation among young people and adults precludes us from making value judgments on the possibility that young people may have deserted participation.

Perceptions on participation

When asked how they would classify their political participation in terms of three options, (i) 8.5 per cent of the young people considered themselves politically involved; (ii) another 65.6 per cent said they tried to keep themselves informed, but without participating personally; and (iii) 24.7 per cent declared they made no effort to inform themselves about politics nor did they participate personally. Those over the age of 18 (18.9 per cent) and those with most schooling (10.2 per cent) – who had completed middle school or more – were the ones who considered themselves most politically involved. The youngest (15-17 years old) and those who had not completed fundamental schooling (38.3 per cent) were the ones most likely to say they did not try to inform themselves nor participate personally in political matters.

It is revealing that most of the young people interviewed showed interest in political issues, thus rejecting the politically alienated stigma. This is a designation commonly found in the media, which ingenuously and anachronistically compare young people today with militants of the past. Although they do not participate directly in spaces recognized as being of the political domain, they do participate in a certain sphere of politics by seeking information on political activities.

The last question asked in the opinion survey was whether they were interested, and available to take part, in meetings with other young people to dialogue on subjects relating to Brazilian youth, to which 57 per cent of the interviewees responded affirmatively. More young women (59.7 per cent) than young men (54.2 per cent) were interested and showed a willingness to take part. Age also proved an important factor: young people between 15 and 17 years old were most willing (60.2 per cent), compared to those between 21 and 24 years old (52.6 per cent). Once again this underlines that the young adults are less available or willing to engage in participatory activities.

The young people surveyed did not reject politics outright. However, they did send messages that reflect a profound mistrust of the traditional operators of politics – ‘politicians’ in the broadest sense. In this study, the data do not portray a rejection of political participation, but they do indicate a lack of confidence in the institutional channels, in the traditional ways of doing politics and in their party operators.

At the same time as there is little confidence in anything resembling traditional politics, the emergence of other spheres of participation that need to be better understood by social researchers is perceived. Some youth groups lend new meanings to politics and – drawing on other logics and sensibilities – develop multiple forms and content for collective action in the public sphere. Research has to be broadened so as to extend our understanding of the ways that these young people participate in building new public spheres and can contribute to redefining the meanings of politics.

It is important to remember that 28.1 per cent of the young people reported forming part of some kind of group. This is the basic, voluntary public sphere, the existence of which expresses a certain potential for association and participation. Groups directed at religious, sporting and artistic purposes represent the substrate of youth association-building in Brazil today and constitute a significant youth civil society arranging collective actions. These groups are not always acknowledged as politically or socially significant, but do exist as collective subjects building cultural citizenship (Cruz 2003).³

Cefaï (2007: 92) states that in France too, young people have shown a loss of confidence in the classic institutions of political participation, such as parties and trade unions, and have preferred to place their political commitment in less formal associations. The ‘crisis of representation’ is also reflected in the high rates of electoral abstention among the 18 to 25 year olds. Thus,

(…) political commitment among the 18 to 25 year olds no longer occurs in party or trade union organizations, but in associations. Mobilization is concentrated more in small, local structures – and one can see the attraction exerted over the young by small, everyday causes that are closer, more concrete and more controllable – although it also goes hand in hand with phenomena of adhesion to international organizations such as Greenpeace. Countless associations in favour of the unemployed, homeless and undocumented immigrants, and against racism and the National Front, have also come together to form a galaxy of associative networks that combine, at the same time, very concrete goals and important moral aims and exert a strong attraction on the younger. Nor should we forget the commitment of Catholics and Muslims.

The proper distinctions must be maintained between the situations in France and Brazil – especially the particular situation of immigrants and the generation of French Arabs who have not been incorporated as full citizens. However, there are similarities regarding the declining popularity of political parties and trade unions and adhesion to causes relating to the ‘small, everyday causes’ that can be more readily understood and controlled by young participants.

The feelings that contribute to the formation of youth collectivities are directed mainly to the planes of sociability, shared cultural activities and collective subjectivity. Groups set their own rules for deliberation and contribute to their young participants’ forming opinions of their own. Groups are important in that they allow young people to exercise autonomy of thought and action that they often cannot exercise in the presence of adults. This is especially true when the latter defines the ‘rules of play’ of institutional power. The spheres of youth association-building can be places for formulating and creating, for forming thoughtful publics and addressing problems, which may or may not lead to public policies. The latter depends on the ability of collective actors to influence the policy agenda.

It is in that respect that groups can be considered laboratories for democratic public affairs and their practices must be experienced in the spaces where diverse individuals meet in the cities. Public policies in this regard can favour encounters among the various youth groups, so that they can recognize each other in democratic, participatory public settings. It is therefore useful to distinguish between the public sociability that exists within youth groups – which in themselves are not democratic spaces – from the broader public spheres characterized by multiple forms of solidarity, collective action and democratically mediated conflicts. Opportunities must also be created for those young people whose sociability is simple and unconnected from membership of any group. This could definitely be a task for democracies to perform when updating school agendas.

Final remarks

Young people’s responses about their main group activities indicate that their motivations to act collectively in the public sphere are directed mostly to practical ends around everyday life values. The question thus arises of how to arouse interest in national or global issues, spaces and problems that may seem worlds away to young people whose sense of participation is directed towards what is close at hand and everyday.

How can horizons of time and place be broadened for young people physically and symbolically imprisoned in poor neighbourhoods that suffer violence from drug traffickers and the police forces and lack even the minimum urban infrastructure necessary for plural social, cultural and collective living? Young people’s concerns about violence in the cities are an issue that deserves proper attention from policy makers. History has already shown that liberties may be sacrificed in trying to ensure security, unless democratic institutional channels are set up to solve the problems that beset individuals and collectivities.

The figures of this survey express the encouraging fact that most of the young people interviewed demonstrate interest in political matters. This means that, even though many of them do not participate directly in spaces known recognized as political domain, they do participate in a specific public sphere by seeking information on the subject. The study provides clues to understanding the social and political processes that orient these young people’s ideas and practices.

Interestingly, considering the overall study data, young people denounce factors that hinder them from exercising their citizenship fully. While at the same time, young people give suggestions for policies – especially in education, culture, and job and income generation – to favour building youth citizenship on autonomous, democratic bases.

The survey has brought to light difficulties that need to be surmounted in Brazil if youth participation is to be broadened in a society that deprives large parts of its youth the basic rights of citizenship. Public policies to stimulate youth participation cannot be indifferent to the impediments facing young people, especially the poorer ones, which prevent them from making a livelihood and planning their lives. Policy must therefore take account of the scarcity of opportunities for training, participation and social integration. Democratic policies need to start with realistic diagnoses of the objective conditions young people can build on in order to set themselves up as social stakeholders who participate in public life.

Recognition of the impediments to participation will then become an important factor in overcoming these problems. The challenge is to formulate public policies to mobilize resources and social involvement in order to allow young people to make alternative choices and establish themselves as subjects of their own lives. Emancipatory policies that foster participation are those able to remove the obstacles that prevent personal and collective projects from taking shape, block channels of participation and foreclose places and times where dialogue, cooperation and conflict are practiced in the public sphere.

Notes

¹  Belém, Belo Horizonte, Porto Alegre, Recife, Salvador, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro.

²  In Brazil fundamental education refers to nine years of obligatory schooling for all children between the ages of six and fourteen.

³  These practices constitute an experiment in cultural citizenship that figures as a fourth dimension of citizenship – in addition to the civil, social and political dimensions – and a synthesis of the possibilities open to young people for making public space part of their life experience.

References

Cefaï, Daniel, Acción asociativa y ciudadanía común: La sociedad civil como matriz de la res publica? INJUV/ES. Available at: <http://www.injuve.mtas.es/injuve/contenidos.downloadatt.action? id=1395427125>. Accessed on: 15 Apr. 2007.

Cruz, Rossana Reguillo, Emergencia de culturas juveniles: Estrategias del desencanto,

Grupo Editorial Norma (Bogotá, 2000).

Ibase/Pólis, Juventude Brasileira e Democracia: participação, esferas e políticas públicas,

Final research report, Ibase/Pólis (Rio de Janeiro, 2005).

Krauskopf, Dina, ‘Desafíos en la construcción y implementación de las políticas de juventud en América Latina’, in El futuro ya no es como antes: ser joven en América Latina. Revista Nueva Sociedad, Nov-Dec 2005, pp. 141-153, (Buenos Aires, 2005).

León, Oscar Dávila, ‘La década perdida en política de juventud en Chile; o la década del aprendizaje doloroso?’, in León, O. D. (Ed.) Políticas públicas de juventud en América Latina: políticas nacionales, pp. 129-166, Cidpa (Chile, 2003).

Margulis, Mario & Urresti, Marcelo, ‘La juventud es más que una palabra’, in Margulis, M. (Ed.) La juventud es más que una palabra, pp. 13-31, Biblos (Buenos Aires, 1996).

Melucci, Alberto, O jogo do eu: a mudança de si em uma sociedade global, Unisinos (São Leopoldo/RS, 2004).

Novaes, Regina, ‘Juventude, percepções e comportamentos: a religião faz diferença?’, in Retratos da Juventude Brasileira: análises de uma pesquisa nacional, Helena Wendel Abramo & Pedro Paulo Martoni Branco (Eds.), pp. 263-290, Instituto Cidadania/Fundação Perseu Abramo (São Paulo, 2005).

Putnam, Robert D., Comunidade e Democracia: a experiência da Itália Moderna, FGV (Rio de Janeiro, 2002).

Reguillo, Rossana, ‘Ciudadanías juveniles en América Latina’, Última Década xx/19 (2003), pp. 11-30, CIDPA (Chile, 2003).

Santos, Milton, Técnica, espaço, tempo: globalização e meio técnico-científico informacional, Hucitec (São Paulo, 1994).

Sposito, M. & Carrano, P., ‘Juventude e políticas públicas no Brasil’, Revista

Brasileira de Educação xxiv (2003), pp. 16-39, Autores Associados (São Paulo, 2003).

Document(s) 5 de 11