Photo credit: Ronnie Vernooy (IDRC)

CHANGING CONTEXT AND CHALLENGES

China is experiencing major changes in its economy, paralleled by transformations in its society and large-scale environmental impacts. China's recent entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) marked an important event in this period of change and is likely to accelerate the trends. The opening up of the country's economy to foreign enterprises and investment, and its closer integration into the global economy are undoubtedly having profound effects on the entire population. However, we expect that the reform will have different socioeconomic impacts on different groups of people depending on the sector in which they work, their location and factors such as gender and age. How the changes will affect the most vulnerable groups, such as small farmers, especially women farmers, and the implications for policy making have become an increasing concern to policy makers and researchers.

In this chapter we describe the results of an action-oriented research project entitled 'Empowering Women Farmers and Strengthening the Local Seed System: Action-Oriented Research on Open-Pollinated Variety Seed Production and Marketing'. The work was carried out by a social and gender analysis (SAGA) team in Guangxi as part of an ongoing research project coordinated by the Center for Chinese Agricultural Policy (CCAP). The larger project aims to improve farmers' livelihoods through the design, implementation and assessment of policies to support poor farmers based on a participatory, community-based natural resource management approach. Integrating a SAGA perspective is a core element of the work.

The Increasing Feminization of Agriculture

Recent studies in China have revealed that there has been an overall increase in migration from rural to urban areas, especially from the poorer areas, in terms of both number of households, number of people and duration of off-farm jobs (Song and Jiggins 2002; Song and Zhang 2004; UNDP 2003; Zuo and Song 2002). These studies also show that the out-migration of women is far below that of men in terms of its magnitude, time periods and increase over time. This means that more and more women are left alone at home and, as a result, have become more and more engaged in agriculture and household businesses.

Women are increasingly playing a key role in food production and farm management, while they continue to fulfil their usual household roles. How women (and men) experience this increasing feminization of agriculture, especially in the current context of increasing commercialization of agriculture, becomes an important question. It is evident that the feminization of agriculture has increased in the last decade in rural China, especially in the poor areas.

This trend was clearly shown in a recent CCAP study of 200 randomly selected farmer households in three poor provinces: Anhui, Qinghai and Guangxi (Table 5.1). There has been an overall increase in out-migration in terms of number of households affected, number of people migrating, and the length of time spent in off-farm jobs. For example, in 1997, migrants came from 84 households; this number increased to 101 in 1999 and jumped to 174 in 2001, with a further increase to 196 in 2003.

The same study also reported the overall trend in out-migration by sex between 1997 and 2003 (Figure 5.1). It showed that women's out-migration is limited and, although it has increased over this period, it is far smaller than men's.

Figure 5.1
Trends in Out-migration in Anhui, Qinghai and Guangxi by Sex

Source: CCAP; data collected in 2004.

The Increasing Commercialization of Agriculture and the Situation for Rural Women

Since the start of rural reform in 1978, the rural economy and agriculture in China have become more and more privatized and commercialized. The country's entry into the WTO is likely to bring about more modifications in agricultural production and commercialization, the rural economy at large and the (rural) employment situation all over China. In view of women's current inferior socioeconomic status and their increasing involvement in the agricultural labour force, some researchers argue that under the WTO, agriculture in China will become even more feminized and that many women are moving to more competitive labour-intensive agricultural activities (Song and Zhang 2004; UNDP 2003).

Without compensating measures and appropriate protection policies and regulations, we can expect a deterioration in rural women's economic, social and family status. This, in turn, will have a negative impact on the well-being of rural households, especially those that rely on agriculture for their livelihood in remote and resource-poor areas of China (Song and Zhang 2004; UNDP 2003).

Although China's economic growth has been impressive, poverty remains persistent in many remote rural areas, especially in the western regions. Approximately 30 million people still live below the absolute poverty line. They are mainly small subsistence farmers in resource-constrained remote western areas, which are agro-ecologically diverse, resource poor and risk prone. Women and women-headed households¹ represent a disproportionate share among the poor farmers in these remote regions. Women are becoming the main cultivators, food producers and on-farm income earners, but they also continue to play their traditional roles in household activities. Yet research has revealed that women are underrepresented in administrative and other roles, their importance is not recognized, and their specific needs, interests and expertise are largely neglected in agricultural and rural development (Song and Jiggins 2003; UNDP 2003; Zhang and Liu 2002). Evidence also shows that despite the significant role that women play in agricultural production, their access to basic resources and institutional services, such as credit, market information, training and extension services, has been limited. This, in turn, is having a negative impact on their livelihood security and that of their households (Song 2003; UNDP 2003; Zhang and Liu 2002; Zhu 2000).

Erosion of Genetic Diversity and Threat to Food Security

Careful balance of and trade-offs among economic growth, equity, poverty reduction and natural resource management are needed if long-term sustainable development is to be achieved. Erosion of genetic diversity of crops, especially food crops, is a very serious concern in China. For example, maize, which is the crop on which we focus our research, is now the most important food crop, the third most important food crop in China, and the staple of the poor in the south-western region. In its efforts to achieve national food security, the government of China has followed a modern, technology-oriented approach, relying predominantly on its formal seed system.

The development and distribution of modern varieties, mainly hybrids, for the three main staples, that is, rice, wheat and maize, has been the core task and the first priority in the formal system. Hybrid maize is now grown on approximately 80 per cent of the total production area in China, particularly the uniform and high-potential areas of the northeast and northern plain. The introduction of a market economy has resulted in an increasingly profit-driven seed production and supply system. Hybrid breeding and hybrid seed production have attracted more attention and investments than ever before. Conversely, a study done in Guangxi revealed that in the remote mountainous areas more than 80 per cent of the seed supply is from farmers' own seed systems, maintaining diversity for the interests and sustainable livelihoods of all farmers (Song 1998).

The genetic base for maize breeding in China has been dramatically reduced during the last decade. Although the national maize germ-plasm collection contains about 16,000 samples, five dominant hybrid varieties now cover 53 per cent of the total maize growing area of the country (Zhang et al. 2000). In Guangxi province the maize germplasm collection consists of about 2,700 samples, of which more than 1,700 are landraces from the region (Huang 2000). However, the use of these collected materials in breeding is very limited. Only three main hybrid breeding crosses are used, and all 14 hybrids bred out in the last 20 years share the same inbred line to different degrees (Huang 2000; Song 1998). Meanwhile, in other south-western provinces landraces in farmers' fields are degrading and disappearing as a result of the continuing spread of modern varieties.

Policy Context and Current Efforts

Fortunately, Chinese policy makers are increasingly aware of the links between biodiversity conservation, and sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The assessment of food security revealed that bio-diversity loss is one of the new challenges facing China in its attempt to ensure food security for the future (Huang 2003). The government has realized that conservation and the sustainable use of biological resources are necessary if crop yields are to keep pace with the increasing population.

China—the most populated country in the world with the least amount of arable land per capita—has no choice but to keep food security high on its agenda. Although the government recognizes the phenomenon of the feminization of agriculture and knows that women are becoming the poorest among the poor, it has made little effort to do anything about this situation. The government has initiated some poverty alleviation and related programmes, but the cross-cutting nature of the gender issues and the crucial roles women are playing in bio-diversity management, food security, poverty alleviation and rural development have still not been fully recognized and addressed.

Fortunately, several other organizations have started to tackle these issues in a more comprehensive way and with a multidisplinary approach, primarily through research projects. One of these efforts is a project, coordinated by CCAP a leading agricultural policy research institution that is part of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. CCAP project aims to identify technological and institutional options for developing more effective linkages and mutually beneficial partnerships between the formal and farmers' seed systems to enhance sustainable crop development and in situ or on-farm management of genetic resources, and to bring direct benefits to poor maize producers. At the same time, the project aims to strengthen women and men farmers' capacities to manage agrobiodiversity and improve their livelihoods (CCAP 1999, 2003). Given the fact that women are playing crucial roles but still have an inferior status in many rural areas, our work placed special emphasis on gender aspects and the empowerment of women. Gender issues have been central in all aspects of the work.

FOSTERING SYNERGY: OUR ONGOING RESEARCH

Our project 'Exploring the Potential for Crop Development and Bio-diversity Enhancement: Fostering Synergy between the Formal and the Farmers' Seed Systems in China' started in January 2000, in Guangxi, with financial and technical support from the International Development Research Centre, Canada, and the Ford Foundation (see Figure 5.2) (CCAP 1999). The project involves the active participation of the main stakeholders, particularly farmers. It has established a strong multi-disciplinary research team with main stakeholders from different levels.

Figure 5.2
Location of the Research Sites in Southern China

Source: Perry-Castañeda Library Map Collection.

Especially, it has built trust and established a local working network that includes enthusiastic and committed farmers and extensionists at the grassroots level and collaborative breeders at the provincial level (Vernooy 2001, 2003).

The project is being implemented by a team composed of women farmers, extensionists, breeders and researchers from different institutions and groups, with different disciplinary backgrounds and operating at different levels, from national down to the village. Five villages have been involved in the project as learning sites, as well as implementors (see Table 5.2).

Our work builds on an impact study of CIMMYT (the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre) maize germplasm and poor farmers in south-west China. This study addressed the processes of technology development and diffusion by both the formal and the farmers' seed systems, and the impact of the introduced germplasm at different levels. One of the key findings was the systematic separation and conflicting operation of the formal and the farmers' seed systems, which resulted in poor adoption of formally bred modern varieties, an increasingly narrow genetic base for breeding, and a decrease and degradation of genetic biodiversity in farmers' fields (Song 1998, 2003). As our data show (Table 5.3) the number of varieties used in the research sites varies from three to five—a very small number.

Participatory plant breeding, seed selection and genetic resource management were the main methods we employed for improving maize to meet farmers' diverse needs in their heterogeneous environments and to enhance on-farm genetic biodiversity. Social learning was the other major method used. It focuses on characterizing the

formal and farmers' seed systems, eliciting farmers' knowledge, building on this information, and exploring appropriate methods and mechanisms to enhance the local organization of farmers and to empower farmers (Song and Vernooy 2003; Vernooy 2003).

Gender research and analysis was part of the initial baseline study. Subsequently, we examined a number of gender variables and issues, such as women's roles in agricultural production; their decision-making power in the household, community and society; their access to resources and services (credit, training); and their needs, interests and expertise in technology development and diffusion.

Tables 5.4 and 5.5 summarize the partial results of one of our village baseline surveys. Although women have become the main cultivators, farm managers and even factual household heads in many cases, in general, men still maintain their dominant role as decision makers (whether at home or when they are away in cities). It also shows that the traditional gender division of labour in rural China captured by the phrase 'the men till and the women weave' has been changing to 'the women till and the men work in industry'. However, the traditional ideology and old model, that is, 'men control the outside world, women

the inner', are still deeply embedded in people's behaviours and minds, including those of women themselves.

Table 5.4 compares men's and women's perceptions of their participation in resource management, and farm and household activities. In general, men and women think differently about the level of their own participation (if they were in agreement, the figures in the difference columns would all be zero, but that is true in only five cases). For some activities both men and women agree on job specialization by sex. For example, both men and women think that land preparation should be either men's or joint work. Also, seed and water collection should be mainly women's or joint work. In general, women believe they are participating more than men think they do. For example, among the eight listed activities, women think they had greater input into six of them than men thought (see the negative differences in the second last column of Table 5.4). For only one activity (raising pigs) was men's perception of women's participation greater than women's perception. In contrast, in half of the activities men thought that they had more input than women thought they did.

Other differences exist concerning certain activities. For example, most men think that producing food crops and cash crops should be mainly joint work, while most women think that this should be mainly women's work. However, there is a certain broader consistency on certain perceptions. For example, most men (75 per cent) and women (80 per cent) think that land preparation should be joint work. Also, the majority of both men and women think that raising pigs, producing seeds, collecting water and purchasing daily necessities should be women's work.

Table 5.5 compares men's and women's perceptions of who makes decisions about resource and activity management. In general, there are smaller differences between perceptions about decision making than there are about participation (compare absolute numbers in the difference columns in Tables 5.4 and 5.5). Both men and women think that men should be the major decision makers when it comes to preparing land, raising large livestock and collecting water. Both sexes also think that women should be the main decision makers in such activities as raising pigs, producing seeds and purchasing daily necessities. In certain activities both men and women think that men make the decisions but do not participate in the activity. For example, more than 60 per cent of both men and women said that men make decisions about water collection, but none of the participants thought that men actually carry out this task. A similar observation can be made about seed production. The largest difference between men and women in decision making is over food crops. Although 50 per cent of men think that decisions should be made jointly, 55 per cent of women think that decisions are actually made by men.

Given the nature of our project, specific attention was paid to analysis of the needs and interests of women farmers, who are the main cultivators and seed selectors in the area. Gender analysis and comparisons in variety selection criteria were used in the technical aspect of the project. We found that both women and men are mainly concerned with drought-resistant varieties—the key issue in poor, rain-fed areas. However, women were interested in various other criteria, which they ranked highly: production of seed that can be collected by the farmers and used the following year, low fertilizer requirements and good cooking quality (Table 5.6). These results reflect women's specific interests and needs

as producers as well as housewives, and should be considered in the technology development process.

INTEGRATING SOCIAL AND GENDER ANALYSIS TO EMPOWER WOMEN FARMERS AND STRENGTHEN THE LOCAL SEED SYSTEM

The geographic and economic dimensions of the trend toward the feminization of agriculture indicate that the poorer areas have the largest proportion of women in agriculture and the lower the household income, the greater the proportion of female-headed households. At same time, the public research and extension systems in China have been 'designed for men' and are predominantly male-staffed. To them, 'farmers are farmers', and SAGA is irrelevant. In addition, it is the village men (returning from town on leave from their work) who attend extension meetings and training sessions, even though they are no longer active farmers.

Women farmers and their groups have been key research partners in our project from the beginning. Despite this, we felt that more effort and action-oriented activities were needed to further integrate gender perspectives into the project process while also building the capacity of the team and empowering women farmers. This becomes essential, not optional, for the project and for a sustainable rural and agricultural development process in China, as women play multiple and crucial roles in biodiversity enhancement, crop improvement and rural livelihood security.

Action Objectives and Research Questions: The Proposed Agenda

Our key research question was: What kind of action-oriented activities can empower women farmers? Based on a series of discussions within the team and with the women farmers in the project villages, production and commercialization of open-pollinated seed varieties (OPVs) were identified as initial actions to add value to women farmers' traditional knowledge and the local process. Through women farmers' involvement in the market system, we aimed to empower them economically and politically. Specifically, we set out to encourage and enable women farmers to be involved in seed marketing; develop the capacities of women farmers in seed production and marketing; and enhance the local seed system and indigenous networks. The major research questions were:

1. How can the SAGA research team and project appropriately empower women farmers and enhance the farmers' seed system? What are the right activities and appropriate methods?

2. What internal and external factors can affect the empowerment and enhancement process?

3. What are the implications for policy making?

Participatory Planning

First, we discussed and shared the results of the first international SAGA workshop in Beijing (see Chapter 1) with the team, including women farmers, local extensionists and breeders, during our field and village visits. Because the initial idea of an SAGA action plan was raised by women farmers and supported by the other main social actors in the project, we proceeded directly to a discussion of our specific objectives and related methods and activities. We discussed the selection of two villages for in-depth work: Wenteng and Niantan, the two participatory plant breeding trial villages. Based on these discussions we refined our action plan.

On approval of the plan, a workshop was organized at the beginning of July 2002 with women farmers, local extensionists and breeders from the two selected villages. The workshop helped us prepare a work schedule and assign tasks to team members. The women farmers were enthusiastic and active in the planning process. They reiterated that they saw action on OPV seed production and marketing as a crucial entry point for their empowerment, economically and politically. They were proud to be at the forefront of this initiative, and made some innovative suggestions for improving the plan. For example, because women farmers work as a group in the seed production villages for both social and technical reasons, they suggested that the first seed production trials should target four OPVs rather than two as originally planned, to provide more options for different users. Also, they suggested that a farmer seed fair in one of the villages would open the window to more sources of varieties, from both the farmer and formal seed systems.

Fieldwork

Given that the season for the second maize crop starts in July, immediately after the planning workshop the team went to the two selected villages. Varieties were chosen and trial fields were identified by the women farmers with assistance from the local extensionists and breeders. Four varieties—961, 963 (from the CIMMYT population), farmer-improved Tuxpeno and a newly bred variety known as Mexico 1—were selected for seed production and were sown in farmers' fields in July. Good quality seeds for these varieties were provided by the Guangxi Maize Research Institute and by a woman farmer breeder in the team who has 20 years of experience in maize improvement (for more details, see Song 1998). Training in seed production was carried out in the field by experienced women farmer breeders, local extensionists and formal breeders.

After the sowing season some group discussions took place concerning the marketing of the seeds produced. Three major market channels and users were identified and it was agreed that they would be the targets for seed dissemination: the existing farmer-to-farmer exchange network, farmer to local seed market, and farmer to the external market. For the existing farmer-to-farmer exchange channel, it was decided to 'just keep it as it is' and observe and document the dissemination and diffusion process. A farmer seed fair was organized at the beginning of 2003, and this proved to be an innovation in China and a good way to encourage and enable women farmers to enter the market and further strengthen, formalize and legalize the existing local farmers' seed marketing process. Some efforts were made to link the women farmers with the external seed market to add value to their product and empower them in the process. Some external market research was begun in three potential regions: Ningxia, Jiansu and Gansu provinces. Two of the provinces have already imported some seeds from the Guangxi farmers for field adaptation trials.

RESULTS

Enhancing Women's Organizational Skills

The SAGA action plan was initiated by women farmers and implemented mainly by women farmer groups in collaboration with grass-roots extensionists. New links have been formed allowing farmers collectively to channel ideas and demands into the formal extension and research system. In the absence of institutional support, some women farmers support each other and have organized, for example, to exchange information, skills and experience; to share labour; and to set up and manage micro-credit. The capabilities and bargaining power of the women in these groups have been strengthened. Women farmer groups also continue to be actively involved in the design and implementation of participatory plant breeding (PPB) field experiments. The groups differ from each other in terms of purpose and capacities, as they are influenced by their environmental and socioeconomic conditions. However, they are all enthusiastic and play important roles.

The SAGA work has further enhanced the capacity of the women's groups for self-organization and management. They took part in training in management, seed production and marketing; their access to seed market information has increased; and they are now becoming directly involved in the formal seed market. Moreover, these women have become more and more dynamic in their households and communities. They are playing a leading role in production and income-generating activities in terms of participation and decision making.

Strengthening the Linkage between Women's Groups and the Extension System at the Grassroots Level

To facilitate the exchange of farmers' and formal knowledge and to strengthen links between the two seed systems, we identified the grass-roots extension system (including the township extension stations and their village farmer technicians) as another local network to work with and strengthen. In the transition from a planned to a market economy, the role of the public extension system is changing from one of serving only the state to serving the farmers as well as the state. This represents a major shift towards a more client-oriented and demand-driven system. The township extension stations are operating under very difficult conditions and are facing financial constraints. Yet they are the only source of formal technical assistance available and accessible to farmers. They have formally trained personnel, who are almost all local people from farming communities. These local 'experts' are familiar with the farming systems and are more enthusiastic than outside professionals about using a participatory approach in working with farmers.

Through selected project activities, staff at these stations are working with women farmer groups, for example, through PPB and participatory varietal selection (PVS) experiments. Good collaboration among the women farmers, township extensionists and village technicians has been established in all five villages. This collaboration, which is highly appreciated by farmers, has become the institutional basis for the design and implementation of a new policy experiment in formal collaboration with the Ministry of Agriculture. The experiment is part of the country's agricultural extension reform process currently under way. In our case, it will build on the work done to date and reinforce the SAGA efforts.

Adding Value to Farmers' Varieties, PPB Products and Local Process by Involving Women Farmers in OPV Seed Production and Marketing

The four varieties selected for seed production have all produced very good harvests, especially the PPB variety, Mexico 1. Its yield is 15 to 20 per cent higher than currently cultivated OPVs and has a number of characteristics that farmers, especially women farmers, prefer—drought tolerance, lodging resistance and good cooking quality. The other three varieties (961, 963 and Tuxpeno) also produced good harvests and met farmers' specific needs and interests, but their characteristics differ. The seeds of all four varieties have been disseminated through the existing farmer-to-farmer exchange network.

Some seed has also been distributed through local seed markets, such as the free farmers' market and the farmers' seed fair. Mexico 1 has become popular with farmers and in the local market and was nominated for the national variety test in 18 provinces in 2003. Results of these experiments are now being analysed.

Farmers' Seed Fair in Guangxi: An Innovation for Enhancing Recognition and Exchange of Farmers' Knowledge and Resources

The team suggested that a seed fair would be a good way to encourage and enable women farmers (and men as well) to become involved in seed marketing, to learn more about maize and other varieties and their characteristics, and to explore how best to legalize existing local seed marketing systems and exchanges. Following harvest of the seeds, the first farmers' seed fair in Guangxi (and maybe in China) was organized; it was considered a success and a significant event (see Box 5.1).

EMERGING POLICY ISSUES

Reflecting on our research questions, we can summarize our major findings and preliminary conclusions. First, our SAGA action research has shown that it is crucial to add value to farmers' traditional knowledge and their resources, such as landraces and self-improved varieties. Our case study illustrates that marginalized women farmers and their knowledge can be easily recognized, protected and strengthened through a collaborative process in which farmers and the researchers, extensionists and policy makers in the formal system work together on a more equal basis.

Despite the progress made, more appropriate and supportive marketing, institutional and legal mechanisms and policies are needed to involve more farmers and improve the quality of their participation. Our case also illustrates that SAGA is essential, not optional, for the formulation of responsive and gender-sensitive policies, regulations, and related implementation and management strategies to avoid further marginalization and biases in the mainstreaming process.

The women's groups in our case study show that it is important to protect farmers' abilities to organize, manage and empower themselves. Strengthening women's groups (or other farmers' groups) and the communities of which they are part can be the first step in self-organization and autonomous capacity building. Farmers' seed fairs seem to be a promising innovation. In a short time, they became very popular, enhancing the recognition and exchange of farmers' knowledge and genetic resources. In addition, the fairs can enhance local seed systems and indigenous networks by adding value to farmers' knowledge and local processes, economically, culturally and socially. Collaboration between women's groups and grassroots extensionists is a way to enhance the access of women farmers to institutional support and their links to the formal system.

Although progress has been made, we continue to face many challenges. A number of policy issues have emerged. Will entry into the WTO favour or constrain women farmers' seed enterprises? How will new rural development policies, such as rural extension reform, take into account and affect the differential views, needs and interests of rural women and men? Will the new policies allow women to take collective action or further contribute to the feminization of agriculture and poverty? We have set the goal for ourselves to continue working on the integration of SAGA in four policy areas. We describe these briefly (CCAP 2003).

Provide Space and Support for Farmers, Especially Women, to Establish and Operate Viable Seed Enterprises to Improve Incomes and Livelihoods more Broadly

The new seed policies and laws allow private seed production for all kinds of seeds, including OPVs. However, right now the large seed companies (both private and public) are only interested in the production and marketing of hybrids. Their main interest is in making money; genetically modified seeds are now also being marketed. So far, little effort has been made to serve the poor and marginal upland farmers who rely on local landraces and OPVs. There are at least two challenges: (a) to provide support and incentives for small farmers to enter into the seed market (in particular for the OPVs and the new PPB varieties); and (b) to harmonize the new seed policies and laws with other broader agricultural policies and laws affecting seed production and commercialization, for example, policies on rural extension and WTO-related changes.

Clarify the Questions of Recognition, Access and Benefit Sharing Related to the Development of New Varieties through PPB

PPB varieties are the result of the efforts of many people: farmers, plant breeders, other researchers, extensionists and maybe others such as donors and policy makers. This raises many questions—about the proper recognition of the contributions to the new variety (ideas, knowledge, skills, time, energy, money and other resources); about adequate access to and use of the new varieties; about the commercial and noncommercial benefits that the new varieties bring; and about sharing these benefits fairly. Right now there are policies and laws regarding plant breeders' rights, but none that recognize the rights of small producers. In some countries ideas are being put forward and action is being taken to establish so-called farmers' rights. Is there a need for new policies and legislation that deal with PPB varieties in China in terms of recognition, access and benefit sharing?

Fortunately, Chinese policy makers are increasingly aware of the links between (in situ) biodiversity conservation, and sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The leading maize breeder in the country is now convinced that the in situ conservation of landraces is crucial for the national programme to broaden the genetic base for maize. This is promising, but the challenge is to turn this new perspective into policies and laws. Not only for maize, but also for other crops on which poor farmers rely.

Reorient Rural Extension Services toward Serving Small Farmers and Responding to Client Demand

At the moment the extension service in many provinces of China, including Guangxi, has 'collapsed'—a fact that is actually being recognized by the higher level authorities in charge of rural extension reform. These authorities are looking for alternatives. We think that extension services must be demand driven and responsive to poor farmers' needs in terms of providing information and linking local interests and views to government service providers, to research (such as plant breeding) and to education. The challenge now is to develop and test practical alternative service provision mechanisms. Our project has already been experimenting with a participatory extension approach by integrating grassroots extensionists with researchers, breeders and policy makers. More experimentation is required, for example, concerning finance, incentives, costs and benefits, and institutional set-up of the services at the township and county levels.

NOTE

¹. Household head here means the de facto head, who is responsible for the daily management of the farm and the rural household most of the time. Despite the fact that most households are now headed by women, their husbands continue to be formally (and legally) registered as household heads in most cases.

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